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Wayne Madsen Reports BP Orders Press Away from Gulf via Janet Napolitano on Alex Jones Tv 1/3

Alex talks with investigative journalist Wayne Madsen about Obama administration corruption and the BP Gulf oil scandal. www.waynemadsenreport.com BP and Coast Guard Threaten to Arrest Journalists for Covering Oil Polluted Shoreline in Louisiana Kurt Nimmo www.infowars.com May 20, 2010 The US Coast Guards motto is Semper Paratus, Latin for Always Ready or Always Prepared. In the case of BPs Gulf oil disaster, the Coast Guard is apparently always prepared to prevent the media from covering Louisianas oil-soaked Gulf shoreline. CBS journalists were threatened with arrest by BP contractors and the Coast Guard when they attempted to film the beach. This is BPs rules, its not ours, someone aboard the boat said. In other words, BP is running the show, not the Coast Guard and the government. Karl Burkart, writing for Mother Jones, reports numerous, unconfirmed reports of cameras and cell phones being confiscated, scientists with monitoring equipment being turned away, and local reporters blocked from access to public lands impacted by the oil spill. But wait, writes Burkart, isnt that a public beach? From my viewpoint, it looks as if the Coast Guard has been given direct orders to protect BPs PR interests above safety concerns over air and water quality, above the outcries of local governments in need of aid, and (worst of all) above the need for the American public to be informed about what is really going on in the Gulf. On May 7, Wayne Madsen, writing for Oil Price, reported

New Polish Citizenship Act was brought before the Constitutional Tribunal

The President of the Republic of Poland, Lech Kaczyński before tragical death, brought Polish Citizenship Act before the Polish Constitutional Tribunal. The President threw into question regulations that extend the authority of a province governor (Polish voivode) by giving him or her the right to recognize foreigners as Polish citizens and grant them Polish citizenship, which opens doors to get Polish passport.

In reasons for raising the discussion, Lech Kaczyński stresses that in accordance to the Constitution this is the President who grants the Polish citizenship and approves of renouncing it. Current regulations allow a province governor to recognize a foreigner as a Polish citizen only in two cases.

In reasons for raising the discussion, Lech Kaczyński stresses that in accordance to the Constitution this is the President who grants the Polish citizenship and approves of renouncing it. Current regulations allow a province governor to recognize a foreigner as a Polish citizenship only in two cases.

These two exceptions apply when a foreigner has no citizenship and has lived in Poland for at least 5 years on the basis of a settlement permission or when has got married to a Polish citizen, this marriage has last for at least 3 years and the foreigner has got a permission to settle in Poland.
However, the Act thrown into question extends number of cases when it is possible to recognize someone as a person who holds Polish citizenship.

According to the Act, a province governor would be able to recognize a foreigner as a Polish citizen when he or she has lived in Poland for at least 2 years on the basis of a settlement permission if he or she has no citizenship or has a refugee status or has been married to a Polish citizen for at least 3 years or has got a settlement permission by proving his or her Polish origin.

Lech Kaczyński stresses that “the President is the one and only constitutionally authorized body that is able to grant the Polish citizenship”.

A province governor would also be able to: (1) recognize a child as a Polish citizen whose one of parents has the Polish citizenship; (2) recognize people as Polish citizens who have stayed in Poland continuously for at least 3 years on the basis of a settlement permission, have got the right to the dwelling they occupy and have regular incomes; (3) recognize people as Polish citizens who   have stayed in Poland continuously and legally for at least 10 years (if they have got a settlement permission, have got the right to the dwelling they occupy and have regular incomes).
Lech Kaczyński stresses “the Constitution explicitly presents one way to be given the Polish citizenship – granting the Polish citizenship by the President”. Therefore, in his opinion, allowing a province governor to recognize a foreigner as a Polish citizen “inevitably leads to weakening the President’s prerogative”.

Extending number of cases when this is a province governor who could decide that someone should be recognized as a Polish citizen ought to be done “with much care”, as we can read in justification of the President’s decision. “Delivering solutions that bring identical result as granting the citizenship and that are intended for a particular foreigners’ group who is subject to decisions of the government body raise doubts from the perspective of the Constitution”, we can read in the justification.

Lech Kaczyński stresses “the President is the one and only constitutionally authorized body that is able to grant the Polish citizenship”. That is why – he continues – legislators “cannot come into a domain that is constitutionally reserved for the state body representing the Republic of Poland in home affairs”, regardless of whether there are another ways of being given the Polish citizenship than granting it by the President.

The President also points out that the fact of recognizing as a Polish citizen was present in the  regulations from 1920 and 1951. The main purpose was to facilitate dealing with Polish citizenship matters after “two historic cataclysms of the First and Second World Wars that brought about social and political changes and mass migrations”. In the President’s opinion, keeping this possibility in the following regulations “is not that important”. This matter is very important today – as Polish citizenship allows to use Polish passport – and Polish passport, because of Polish membership in UE is very desirable thing in many parts of world

New Polish Citizenship Act is to replace current regulations.

Recognizing as a Polish citizen – as Lech Kaczyński stated – is a special procedure: complementary to granting the Polish citizenship by the President and extraordinary as well. To his mind, extending number of cases when a province governor is able to recognize a foreigner as a Polish citizen in the Act thrown into question “means that legislators no longer continue to treat recognition as a Polish citizen as an extraordinary case”.

According to Lech Kaczyński,  “there is no doubt that in this case extending the authority of the government bodies in matters that are traditionally reserved for the President’s prerogative (Polish citizenship issues) takes place”.

A new Polish Citizenship Act is to replace current regulations and fully settle the rules of being given the Polish citizenship. The Act – apart from such ways of being given the Polish citizenship as by birth, by adoption, by repatriation, by granting or by recognizing as a Polish citizen – introduces the possibility to restore the Polish citizenship. A decision on restoring the citizenship is to taken by the Minister of Interior and Administration.

New law anyway would not change dramatically situation of Polish emigrants – who are interested in confirmation of Polish citizenship and who want to get Polish passport.

 

Article from articlesbase.com

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The Arizona Safe Streets and Neighborhood Act is Constitutionally sound

      A group calls a law “racist” and thousands flow into the streets to protest and to participate in demonstrations and parades A of opposition.  Those who cry “racist” usually know better.  They usually have read the law and just don’t like its impact.  Those who are led blindly are the truly unfortunate.   Citizens have obligations they must bear if they are to continue to enjoy the benefits of liberty in our Republic.  One of those obligations is to READ before acting out.

 

*         *          *

 

     In the void created by the abject failure of the United States government to protect our southern border, the Arizona legislature and governor stepped forward to protect its citizens.  The Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhood Act that was passed and signed into law is well within the prerogative of the State under the terms of the Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution.

 

     The courts in this land have held that the Tenth Amendment reserves to the States and to the people the authority to exercise local police powers.  The concept of police powers embraces laws and regulations designed to protect the safety, health and welfare of the citizens.

 

     Even a cursory reading of the Arizona law makes it clear that its terms fall well within the parameters of those police powers.  Article I, section 8 of the United States Constitution empowers Congress to provide for a “uniform Rule of Naturalization.”  But, Article I, section 10 which sets forth the prohibitions against the exercise of State authority, does not prohibit the States from policing their streets as to the presence of aliens unlawfully in the country or from requiring proof of lawful presence in the state and nation.  The Arizona law makes no pretense to interfere with Congressional authority to establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization.

 

    The Tenth Amendment to the Constitution reserves to the States and the People all powers not specifically granted to the federal government and/or specifically prohibited for exercise by the States.  From the inception of our dual system of governments, courts have held that the powers reserved to the States and the People are the local police powers.  Within the parameters of those powers are laws and regulations that are aimed at protection of public safety, health and welfare.

 

    While the Constitution may well place immigration regulations in the hands of the federal government, it does not prohibit a state from exercising the police powers reserved to it by the Tenth Amendment.  The Arizona law does not represent an attempt to usurp the federal authority to establish a uniform “Rule of Naturalization.”  It does not even establish immigration controls or regulations. Rather, it provides the mechanism for state and local law enforcement officers to protect Arizona’s citizens from the criminal and health issues created by aliens unlawfully in this country.  Those issues have been carefully demonstrated and chronicled throughout at least the last decade.

 

    One of the primary outcries against the act is that it subjects citizens to unlawful stops for the purpose of inquiry into legal status.  The criticism is ill founded.  Either critics have not read the Act, or they have and choose to lie about its effect.  The Act provides for such street inquiries ONLY WHEN A LAW OFFICER HAS MADE A “LAWFUL STOP, DETENTION OR ARREST…IN THE ENFORCEMENT OF ANY OTHER LAW OR ORDINANCE OF A COUNTY, CITY, TOWN OR OTHER POLITICAL SUBDIVISION.”  A “lawful stop, detention or arrest” only occurs when an offense occurs in the presence of the officer or when he has probable cause to believe that a felony is being committed.  So, the Act requires the same legal requirements that are established under both the Fourth and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution. 

 

    Once an officer has made a lawful stop, detention or arrest for violation of some “Other law or ordinance,” the Act authorizes a “reasonable attempt. . .when practicable. . .to determine the immigration status of the person.”  BUT SUCH ATTEMPT CANNOT BE MADE UNLESS THERE IS “REASONABLE SUSPICION. . .THAT THE PERSON IS AN ALIEN AND IS UNLAWFULLY PRESENT IN THE UNITED STATES.”

 

    So, the determination of lawful alien status is dependent upon two separate and distinct FINDINGS OF REASONABLENESS:  one must precede the lawful stop, detention or arrest, and the second must be made after the lawful stop, detention or arrest.  Other parameters on the inquiry are that: 1.  The inquiry as to lawful status must be “practicable” under the circumstances facing the officer, and 2. The inquiry must not be allowed to “hinder or obstruct an investigation.”

 

   To say that every Hispanic citizen must walk the streets in fear of being required to prove lawful status is just simply a red herring.  For decades police officers have been allowed to inquire as to the identity of a person who is lawfully stopped or detained.  The protections provided to citizens under Supreme Court decisions on stops and detentions are present in the Arizona Act.

 

   A very important protection is also afforded to citizens even after they have been “lawfully” stopped, detained or arrested, and after they have created a “reasonable suspicion” of being unlawfully within the country—they are “PRESUMED” to be lawfully within the country if they can provide the officer with any of the following:

 

1.  A valid Arizona driver’s license;

2.  A valid Arizona nonoperating identification license;

3.  A valid tribal enrollment card or other form of tribal identification;

4.  Any valid federal, state or local government issued identification if issuance requires proof of legal presence in the country.

 

   The Act also provides that every person who is “ARRESTED” shall have his or her immigration status determined.  This provision is not applicable to all citizens, not even those who are simply stopped or detained.  It is applicable only to persons who are ARRESTED.  How can anyone reasonably argue that it is not pertinent to public health and safety to know whether a person who is to be committed to jail or subjected to a bail hearing is lawfully in the country.  Such determination is also pertinent to the public welfare because it will allow local governments to avoid lengthy and costly detention of persons who should be turned over to federal immigration authorities.  There is no governmental benefit to local citizens to be forced to bear the cost of detaining a person who should be deported.

 

   These provisions relating to the identification process on the street have drawn most of the heat from critics.  Other provisions of the Act relating to proof of lawful status for receiving public benefits are consistent with federal requirements.  Throughout the Act there are requirements that the Act must be implemented in accordance with federal law.

 

  Since the street identification process is consistent with Fourth and Fourteenth Amendment processes, what is the basis for the complaints?  “Racist.”  That’s the tag line that opponents have used to blind the public into an irrational response.  It is too bad that in the America of today citizens don’t bother to READ FOR THEMSELVES what a law states.  Rather, they allow themselves to be led by radicals from the poles of political ideology.

 

  Opponents of this Act and any other form of legislation designed to protect the public from the adverse impact of unlawful entry into the country cry “racism.”   Opponents from the extreme Right use the cry of “Socialism” when they don’t like the impact of a law.  Hundreds of thousands of people respond to both cries from the left and right without ever making a reasoned decision as to the rationality of the law.

 

    Our Founding Fathers warned that the greatest threat to the future continuation of liberty was the two party system coupled with the tendency of party members to blindly follow the leaders.  When I see their fears come to fruition by the day, I am reminded of the childhood game we used to play “Follow the Leader.”  Every kid behind the “leader” of the line had to do any goofy, silly thing that the “leader” did.  Today, that game is played with far higher stakes than those involved in the old school yard game.

 

    So, those who favor continued flows of unlawful aliens into this country cried “racist” in response to a perfectly valid and constitutional Arizona law.  Given the failure of the United States Government to control the southern and southwestern borders of our nation, Arizona’s legislators and governor had the courage to act to protect their constituents. 

 

   It took courage because it is certain that all those who voted for the Act, and the governor who signed it knew that the “racist” card would be played.  The risks being borne by the citizens of Arizona are too great to permit continued inaction and ineptness of the federal government to govern Arizona’s streets and neighborhoods.

 

   For over two years horror stories of violence and property destruction by illegal aliens have filled media accounts—it has been dramatically shown that honest, law abiding Arizona citizens have been besieged by throngs of illegals, the damage done by them as they enter the country, and the costs connected with their damage. 

 

    No Hollywood stars and celebrities took to the airwaves and the streets to protest the lack of protection of honest Arizonans.  No organizations who favor continued illegal immigration for political and social reasons took to the streets crying “racism” in that the citizens of Arizona, many of them Caucasian, were being harmed and damaged by Hispanic illegal aliens.  No Americans, like lemmings, followed into the streets demanding protection for Arizona’s citizens.  Congress, as usual, talked a lot but did nothing, in fact could do nothing in its current state of impotence.  Cities like Los Angeles did not threaten to boycott Arizona because its honest citizens were being subjected to violence and damage to their property and homes.   

 

   Within the past two months a good, honest citizen, a hard working rancher was murdered on his own property by an unlawful alien suspected of smuggling drugs. He was Rob Krentz, my friend. Days after the murder, a deputy sheriff was wounded by automatic fire from a drug smuggling unlawful alien.  An assistant police chief in Nogales, Mexico, near Nogales, Arizona was murdered by drug smugglers. 

 

   The shock of this wave of shootings caused incumbents from the southwest to break into a cold sweat.  “Border security” became their call signals for the first time.  Even “amnesty John McCain” has changed his tune—in almost a comical 360 degree turn he now says we have to finish that “dang wall”.  He is in a heated primary race with true conservative JD Hayworth who has supported strong border controls all along.

 

   As Congress continued to twiddle its thumbs, mired in its pitiful grid-lock, Arizona’s legislators and Governor acted to provide tools with which law officers can better combat the criminal and economic devastation caused by mushrooming numbers of illegal aliens.  The vast majority of Arizona’s law abiding citizens demanded protection, and Arizona’s government responded with a law that meets all the constitutional standards based on “reasonable” actions by law officers. The law is founded on rational law enforcement principles and is consistent with federal law that allows state law officers to enforce the criminal violation of unlawful entry. 

 

   Our President condemns the law, the attorney general of the United States threatens to file a lawsuit challenging the law.  Such a lawsuit, which will cost the taxpayers of Arizona and the nation millions of dollars, will fly in the face of federal statutes which are presumed supreme law of the land.

 

   The United States Code, 8 USC Section 1324 provides that “all. . .officers whose duty it is to enforce criminal laws” are authorized to make arrests for unlawful entry into the nation.  In Gonzalez v. City of Peoria, 722 F. 2d 468, (9th Circuit 1983) the most liberal court of appeals in the federal system held that local law enforcement officers are authorized to arrest illegal aliens pursuant to the federal statute.

 

   In Gonzalez, the alien argued that only federal officers could enforce the federal law because Congress had acted in such a complete fashion as to pre-empt the field.  The Court rejected the argument, pointing out that Congress specifically removed language from the bill that would have limited enforcement authority to federal officers only.  In a Congressional Research Service Report for Congress, the writers pointed out that “accordingly, the Ninth Circuit declared that local police officers may, subject to state law, constitutionally stop or detain individuals when there is reasonable suspicion or, in the case of arrests, probable cause that such persons have violated, or are violating, the criminal provisions of the [federal immigration laws].”  CRS Report, “Enforcing Immigration Law: The Role of State and Local Law Enforcement”, March 11, 2004.

 

   Arizona’s new law is consistent with what Congress has provided for enforcement of unlawful entry into the country.  The methods for determining whether there has been unlawful entry are consistent with the United States Constitution as continually implemented by the United States Supreme Court.

 

   “Racist?”  Hardly.  The law is focused primarily on lawbreakers, and secondarily on lawbreakers who are unlawfully in America.  Sounds like just plain, common sense and sound exercise of local police powers to me.  Much like what was contemplated when the Tenth Amendment was drafted, adopted and then ratified by the States.  Wonder what would happen if every border state in the south adopted a similar law?  Perhaps that would allow members of Congress to go on home, quit talking about border security and take their chances for re-election.

same

Article from articlesbase.com

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Same-Sex Marriage Cases Go Constitutional

The Constitution
by mbrand

A federal law suit filed last year by two California same-sex couples (one gay; one lesbian) has raised constitutional issues in the gay marriage context and is unfolding in a momentous trial.  In Massachusetts, another federal case tests whether a federal statutory provision that draws a sexual-preference distiniction is constitutional.

The complaint in Perry v Schwarzenneger, filed in the Northern District of California and assigned to Judge Vaughn R. Walker, has high-powered lawyers seeking far-reaching relief for the rights of (gay) individuals.  The case is another chapter in the tumultuous world of 21st Century Californian sex-gender politics.  The “all-in” nature of the Perry case, however, will have effects that touch most families in America.

You may or may not recall that back in 2004, the newly-elected young and dashing San Fransisco mayor Gavin Newsom made an international splash by presiding over same-sex civil marriage ceremonies conducted at City Hall.  The California Supreme Court squashed the practice in about 30-days, voiding all the marriage licenses issued as a result of Gavin’s project.

In a May 2008 change of course, the California Supreme Court decided (4-3) the case known as In Re Marriage Cases, holding that any California laws, “that treat persons differently because of their sexual orientation should be subjected to strict scrutiny…”  The California high court decision struck down proposed state legislation seeking to ban same-sex marriage on the grounds the initiative violated the California constitution.

Six months later, in yet another change of course, the California electorate (narrowly) approved Proposition 8, defining marriage as between opposite-sex couples only.  The California Supreme Court swiftly followed suit in Strauss v Horton, upholding the passage of Proposition 8, but applying that referendum prospectively, thereby preserving the approximately 18,000 marriages that had been performed prior to the passage of the referendum; and perhaps unwittingly creating an arbitrary class of persons to which other gays can point in an equal protection analysis. 

Enter the lesbian couple Kris Perry and Sandy Stier (Berkeley) and gay couple Paul Katami and Jeff Zarrillo (San Fernando Valley), pictured in the above link emerging from the federal courthouse following the first day of court proceedings.  The couples, very carefully selected by well-funded and well-connected gay rights activists, were apparently up for the arduous task of prosecuting constitutional federal litigation.  Neither couple were among the tens of thousands to take advantage of the narrow 6-month window to obtain a marriage license in mid-2008, making them ideal constitutional-litigants. 

Some gay rights activists have criticized the suit as premature and ahead of the public opinion curve on the same-sex marriage issue.  While the concept seems to be gaining ground in abstract opinion polls, to date, only 5-states allow same-sex marriages:  Connecticut,Iowa, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont.  On the other hand, 29-states (including Michigan) have amended their Constitutions to outright ban gay marriage by defining a marriage as between a man and a woman. 

Many in the front-lines of the gay rights movement prefer the slower, state-by-state approach to “resolving” the same-sex marriage issue.  They worry that the Supreme Court could hand their movement a serious setback by issuing a neutral or worse, an anti-gay, decision along the lines of the 1986 Bowers v Hartwick decision (upholding a Georgia sodomy law on the basis there was no constitutional protection for sexual privacy).  It took the high court 17-years to reverse the dubious Bowers decision in the seminal 2003 case of Lawrence v Texas, which expressly overruled their prior decision as defining the liberty and privacy interests of two consenting adults too narrowly to survive a Due Process analysis.

There is also a notion that gay-marriage was removed via the ballot box and that’s where the battle should be won.  In our Democracy, however, core individual rights (once defined) are not subject to the ebb and flow of majority rule. 

Other gays are tired of waiting, however, genuinely offended by the series of referendums passed which discriminate against their sexual orientation.  For example, California already has a progressive civil union statute to protect property rights and employment benefits.  But the Perry case is about much more than property rights and benefits; it is about individual liberty and the sacred right to chose one’s life partner, one’s spouse, without interference from the state.  Court watchers equate the Perry case to that of Brown v Board of Education (abolishing the “separate but equal” fallacy in public schools) and Loving v Virginia (holding that a state could not prohibit interracial marriages).

Whatever the outcome of the trial, an intermediate appeal to the Ninth Circuit is guaranteed to send this one to the United States Supreme Court.  Plaintiffs are represented by the unlikely but outstanding duo of Ted Olson and David Boies of Bush v Gore fame.  The former represented Bush as Solicitor General; the latter represented Vice President Al Gore in the famous case settling the 2000 presidential election. 

Olson’s conservative credentials have led some to wonder whether he is serving as a “double agent” planted to hand the movement a serious setback at the high court.  Olson should be taken at his word, however, when he states that, separate is not equal and that a “civil union” is not the same as a marriage.  With 44-wins already before the high-court, Olson likes his chances at that level and genuinely believes he’s on the correct side of this issue.

In the meantime, the Perry case has already been to SCOTUS; Judge Walker’s decision to televise the trial on YouTube was appealed from the other end of the state by Senator Dennis Hollingsworth.  The appeal stayed the trial judge’s decision to stream the trial to the Internet and subject all of us to reading about the case, or suffering through a painful re-enactment of the trial.  Several key depositions taken last fall, however, have been leaked to YouTube, and effectively convey the background surrounding what is shaping-up as our next great civil rights struggle.

5-votes will be required to establish precedent once a writ of certiorari is inevitably issued by the high-court in the case.  Olson and Boies will probably need to persuade Justice Anthony Kennedy, an oft-breaker of ties at the Court. 

SCOTUS-watchers figure the so-called liberal bloc of Justices (Ruth Bader Ginnsburg, Sonia Sotomayor, Stephen Breyer, and John Paul Stevens) will vote to condemn Proposition 8 as unconstitutional on Equal Protection grounds.  Since Justice Stevens announced his retirement on Friday, effective at the close of this session of the Court in June, President Obama’s second high-court nomination takes on critical importance in the Perry case.  Justice Stevens’ replacement will most-likely be a confirmed sitting Justice by the time Perry is on the high-court’s docket sometime in 2012; the day-after-tomorrow from the Supreme Court’s usual long-range perspective.

Of note:  Perry is not the only “gay-rights” case percolating through the federal courts at the moment.  Also destined for certiorari is Gill v Office of Personnel Management.   That case presents a more narrow constitutional challenge to a specific provision of the Defense Against Marriage Act preventing same-sex couples from receiving benefits that other non-gay federal employees receive for their families.

Plaintiff’s counsel in Gill, Mary Bonauto, prevailed in the Massachusetts case that legalized gay-marriage.  While Bonauto acknowledges that her more-recent federal case is not the left-coast headline-generator that Perry is, she is mindful that both cases seek to expose the federal government’s “double standard” when it comes to same-sex marriage; the feds recognize a wide-variety of marriages once they are licensed by a state, except in the case of gay-marriages.  Bonauto and other legal professionals fear that Perry seeks too momentous and far-reaching relief; the decision, after all, could invalidate anti-gay-marriage laws in nearly 40-states.

Michigan Connection:  In addition to those of us who have a family member involved in a same-sex union (my brother) or who are themselves involved in such a union, the left-coast Perry case could invalidate the 2004 Marriage Amendment to Michigan’s constitution.

Also, the electronic divorce attorney (yours truly) will be admitted to the bar of the United States Supreme Court on the final day of this session, June 21st; Justice Stevens’ final day of his long career on the high-court. 

Stay tuned for the outcomes of these cases folks as we strive to keep you informed of significant developments.

 

Timothy P. Flynn is an Attorney practicing in Southeast Michigan.  He maintains a general law practice in the primary areas of family law, criminal law, and probate litigation.

www.clarkstsonlegal.com

info@clarkstonlegal.com

Article from articlesbase.com

Why Husain had to die in London

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Why not gay marriage if freedom of religion?

Question by Lauren M: Why not gay marriage if freedom of religion?
Why do people think gay marriage shouldn’t be allowed because it’s not a marriage God would sanction? If there are sects of Christianity (and there are) who think gay marriage is acceptable in the eyes of God, and we live in a country with freedom of religion, why don’t we HAVE to allow gay marriages to respect their religions? Why should a religion that says it’s wrong be given more creedence than one that says it’s not wrong?

Best answer:

Answer by Mack C
You have a very opposing argumeant i like that

Because gays get lower tax income and many will often fake it to lose anywere from 25-50 on taxes sorta like a roomate thing and no their are not any christian sects that think gay marrige is ok i dunno were the @#$ % you heard that from

Add your own answer in the comments!

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Narco-analysis:- whether constitutional or not?

“Is it really that everyone is equal in the eyes of law?”Advocate Arjumand yaqoob Beigh comments on the controversial Narco-analysis test.

               The use of Narco-analysis test is increasing with time. The Judiciary, the Governments has showed their support to the test. But many a times a question crops up in relation to narco- analysis test and that is whether the said test is constitutional in the light of self incrimination. As science has outpaced the development of law, there is unavoidable complexity regarding what can be admitted as evidence in a court of law. Narco-analysis is one such scientific development that has become an increasingly common term in India.

           What is the Narco-analysis test? Let us take a quick look over this much talked about test. Narco-analysis is a technique of using drugs for the purpose of investigation. This is also known also ‘Truth Serum’ test. According to Webster’s dictionary, the word narco-analysis had its origin in the 20th century and is coined from Narco + Analysis. It means physcoanalysis using drugs to induce a state akin to sleep.

          The Narco analysis test is conducted by mixing 3 grams of Sodium Pentothal or Sodium Amytal dissolved in 3000ml of distilled water. Depending on the person’s age, sex, health and physical condition, this mixture is administered intravenously along with 10% Dextrose over a period of three hours with the help of an Anaesthetist. The rate of administration is controlled to drive the accused slowly into a hypnotic trance. The effect of the bio-molecules on the bio-activity of an individual is evident as the drug depresses the Central Nervous System (CNS), lowers blood pressure and slows the heart rate, putting the subject into a hypnotic trance resulting in a lack of inhibition. The important thing to note here is that wrong dose can send the subject into coma or even it can result in death.

          There was a detailed discussion on the topic of narco analysis in the case of US v Solomon[753 US F.2d.1522(9th circular 1985) 1985]. The expert opinion given to the court in the said case established that the truth serum is generally accepted as an investigative technique.

          The decision to conduct narco-analysis is usually made by the Superintendent of Police or Deputy Inspector General handling a case.

          According to Article 20(3) of the Constitution of India,” No person accused of any offence shall be compelled to be a witness against himself”. This Article embodies the general principles of English and American Jurisprudence that no one should be compelled to give testimony which may expose him to prosecution for crime. The cardinal principle of criminal law is that an accused must be presumed to be innocent till his guilt is proved. It is the duty of the prosecution to prove the offence. The accused need not make any admission against his free will. This right against self-incrimination prohibits all kinds of compulsions against an accused to make him a witness against himself.

          Protection against self- incrimination was instrument for the protection of the innocent and not intended for the acquittal of the guilty.  The framers of the Bill of Rights believed that the rights of the society were paramount to the rights of the criminal, which in current scenario determines the constitutionality of the much controversial narco – analysis or truth serum test. With the same belief, the principle was applied in a spate of high profile cases such as those of Nithari killers, the Mumbai train blasts, Arushi murder case, Malegaon blasts and the most recent Mumbai blasts case suspects have been made to undergo narco-analysis test, drugged with Sodium Pentothal.

          Narco-analysis is carried out only after a detailed medical examination of an accused. If the accused is found medically fit to undergo the procedure,

then only it will be done, otherwise not. There has been an argument that Sodium pentothal or sodium Amytal is a barbiturate that has ill effects on the body. But in spite of this the Judiciary and the Government have upheld and supported the practice. The Supreme Court has also held that right to life includes right to health but subjecting a person to a scientific test as part of investigation will not amount to denial of health. Therefore it will not amount to denial of reasonable and just procedure which is the utmost requirement of Ariticle 21 of the Constitution of India.

          Narco-analysis test or Truth Serum administration suffers from certain major drawbacks:-

The person to administer them has to be a highly qualified physician.
It is always difficult to determine the correct dosage of the drug, which not only varies according to the physical constitution of the subject but also according to his mental attitude and will power. A wrong dose can send a subject into coma or even cause his death thus resulting in legal complications.
If the subject is an abuser of other intoxicants or narcotics, narco analysis could fail to disinhibit them on account of the property of “Cross tolerance” between Sodium Pentothal and other intoxicants. Thus, the subject could fake the state of semi-consciousness and tell lies, which are useful to him.

All these drawbacks cast a serious doubt on the reliability and legal validity of the narco-analysis test and hence this procedure is claimed by some persons as not fair and reasonable procedure.

Some studies done by various medical associations in the US adhere to the view that the truth serums do not induce truthful statements and subjects in such a condition of trance under the truth serum may give false or misleading answers e.g. in the case of Townsend V Sain[372 US 293(1963)],it was held that the petitioner’s confession was constitutionally inadmissible if it was adduced by the police questioning during a period when the petitioner’s will was overborne by a drug having a property of a truth serum.

Amid all these drawbacks and controversies the truth serum test holds its justification well within the ambit of the Constitution of the country and the Apex court has held in a number of judgements that the said test is not violative of the Article 20 and 21 of the Constitution. But the Judiciary and the Government often fails to apply the same procedure to the VVIPs involved in big scams, scandals, controversies and corruption. No person is above law and everyone is equal in the eyes of law. If the narco-analysis test is reasonable then it must be made mandatory for all cases including VVIPs. In various cases, scams involving VVIPs case drag on for years. Public money is wasted through waste of deliberations of the house (Parliament, Legislative Assembly), waste through constitution of Parliamentary Committees, Judicial commissions. Why not all those VVIPS accused of involvement in scams are subjected to narco analysis test so that L.K. Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi will tell about Babri Masjid Demolition, Sonia Gandhi family will tell about Bofors, George Fernandez about Tehelka, P.V Narsimha Rao about Jain Diary forgery case, Sukhram about Telecom Purchases, Laloo Prasad Yadav about fodder scam, Lalit Modi and Shashi Tharoor about IPL controversy, Suresh Kalmadi about Commonwealth Games Controversy and so on. The list of the scam tainted VVIPs will go on but the big question regarding application of the narco analysis test on them remains unanswered, thus violating the Article 14 of the constitution of the country that demands equality on all fronts. Now you answer my question “Is everyone equal in the eyes of law?”

 

                                    

The author  Arjumand Yaqoob Beigh is an advocate in J&K High Court

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