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Ron Paul: U.S. Foreign Policy Breeds ?Automatic War?

Ron Paul: U.S. Foreign Policy Breeds ‘Automatic War’













Photo courtesy Gage Skidmore


Northbrook, IL (PRWEB) November 09, 2011

Republican presidential candidate Rep. Ron Paul Tuesday called for a return to sound foreign policymaking in a Yahoo/ABC News interview with Terry Moran, notes Revolution PAC. Ceding authority to international bodies, executive orders and binding treaty obligations, Paul charged, disenfranchises Congress and the people it represents.

“Treaties cannot amend our Constitution,” explained Paul. “Because two generations ago, somebody signed a piece of paper saying that no matter what happens to Taiwan or South Korea or Israel, you can commit the next generation to automatic war. That’s immoral, and it’s not constitutional.”

Paul in the interview reemphasized his support for a policy of limited foreign intervention defined by formal declarations of war, limited and defined scope, and fundability.

Congressman Paul’s points Tuesday are echoed in his current “Texas Straight Talk” column admonishing Barack Obama for violating the War Power Resolution Act. In the piece, Paul declares, “The most dangerous and costly overstepping of executive authority is going to war without a congressional declaration. Congress has been sadly complicit in this usurpation by ceding much of its war-making authority to the executive because it wants to avoid taking responsibility for major war decisions, but that is part of our job in Congress! If the President cannot present to Congress and the people a convincingly strong case for going to war, then perhaps we should keep the nation at peace, rather than risk our men and women’s lives for ill-defined reasons!”

“Ron Paul clearly takes his oath to the U.S. Constitution seriously,” explains Revolution PAC Chair Gary Franchi. “He understands that checks and balances provide a bulwark against overblown executive power and preserve individual freedom and collective prosperity in America.”

Franchi continues, “The choice is clear in this presidential race: Ron Paul’s ‘humble foreign policy’ or more endless, undeclared and unaccountable wars of aggression.”

Rep. Paul’s “Plan to Restore America” proposes eliminating all foreign aid and curtailing foreign wars. A former U.S. Air Force flight surgeon, Paul received the most campaign contributions from active members of the U.S. Armed Forces in 3Q 2011 than all presidential contenders, including Barack Obama.

Revolution PAC is supporting Ron Paul’s consistent, constitutional message with targeted TV advertising campaigns complemented by billboards and radio ads in key primary states. Unlimited donations by individuals, businesses and organizations are being accepted by Revolution PAC to support that effort.

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Indian Policy and Constitution – Some Few Facts

By the 69th Constitutional Amendment Act 1991 Union Territory of Delhi was redesignated as: -The National Capital Territory of Delhi in 1992

Cultural and Educational Rights are enshrined in: -Article 29-30

Which Article declares that a constitutional amendment is not a law and hence cannot be challenged? -Article 13

The law which imposes penalties retrospectively (retroactively) upon act: already done or which increases the penalties for such act: is known as : -Ex-post-facto law

The most important law enforcing Article 24 prohibiting the employment of children below the age of 14 years in any factory or other hazardous activities is : -The Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act 1986

Under the Chapter Amendment of the Constitution (Article 368 in Part XX) special majority of Parliament means: More than 50% of the total membership of each House and a majority of two-thirds of the members of each House present and voting

In India, the President is the head of the state while the Prime Minister is the head of: -The government

In scheme of bicameral legislature as provided in the Constitution of India, Rajya Sabha represents: -The States of Indian Federation

The Constitution of India has divided the powers between the Centre and the States in terms of: -The Union List, State List and Concurrent List

In comparison with the American Federation which is described as an indestructible union of indestructible states the Indian Federation is:
-An Indestructible Union of Destructible States

The leader of the largest opposition party having not less than one-tenth seats of the total strength of the House is recognised as the: -leader of the Opposition in each House of Parliament

The last session of the existing Lok Sabha after a new Lok Sabha has been elected is called: Lam-Duck Session

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Reframing the National Security Language Policy

This national language policy, because it encourages more U.S. citizens to learn multiple languages, provides an important counterbalance to the Official English legislation that Senator James Inhofe introduced during the 2006 congressional debates on immigration reform and that his fellow senators approved by a 63-34 vote (Inhofe Natl.). Senator Ihofe’s English Language Amendment targets immigrants in particular, demanding that they learn English as a means to prevent them from “importing dangerous, deadly philosophies that go against our American ideals” (“Inhofe Statement”). Although President Bush and other federal officials might share the same belief that all people living in the United States need to learn Links Of London Charms English, they have also sought to encourage—and to fund programs that enable—all U.S. citizens to learn multiple languages. Even as the national security language policy promotes multilingualism, however, English scholars need to examine this policy closely to understand the ideas about language, identity, and public participation that guide its vision for language arts education.

The policy’s almost exclusive focus on the military and intelligence communities’ “critical” language needs reinforces a belief that English is the language for U.S. civic life whereas non-English languages are “foreign” and are needed only for speaking and writing in international contexts. As John Trimbur argues, such a perspective results from “a ritualized forgetting that the United States was then, as it is now, a multilingual society”. In this way, the policy effectively reinscribes a belief in an English-Only U.S. public sphere. Trimbur instead proposes a vision of U.S. society in which multiple languages “circulatfe as means of participating in public life”. This vision of people using multiple languages in both professional and civic life should guide English scholars as they attempt to redirect the aim of this emerging national language policy. By defining the nation’s language crisis in terms of “foreign” languages and overseas concerns, President Bush, DoD officials, and congressional leaders have potentially dissuaded schools and colleges from developing programs to serve the communities where they are located. Mary Louise Pratt provides an example that illustrates this point in her 2004 essay “Building a New Public Idea about Language”: Within its own borders the United States needs professionals and service people of all kinds who can operate in locally spoken languages. A few months ago, for example, two southern California primary school teachers told me of their frustration when a flagship Japanese program was set up in their school district, while an acute need for Tagalog speaking nurses, doctors, lawyers Links Of London Earrings teachers, social workers, even tax preparers went unmet. There was no pipeline to track local Tagalog speakers into these professions and enable them to develop their Tagalog.

Pratt’s words illustrate the fact that a national language policy conceived solely on international concerns may keep the citizenry safe from enemies, but it will also ignore inequalities that face linguistic minority communities within U.S. borders. The national language policy debate needs to include a broader range of voices to redirect the policy’s aim toward improving domestic well being in a variety of ways, particularly for those people who, because they speak seemingly “foreign” languages, are situated outside the national imagination in most debates about effective public policy.

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Eminent Domain, Urban Renewal and the Constitution Legal and Policy Perspectives: Session 1

February 4, 2005 Speakers: Eric R. Claeys, Assistant Professor of Law, St. Louis University School of Law Thomas W. Merrill, Professor of Law, Columbia Law School John Edward Mogk, Professor of Law, Wayne State University Timothy Sandefur, Esq., Staff Attorney, Pacific Legal Foundation Moderator: Steven J. Eagle, Professor of Law, George Mason University Presented by: Center for Business Law & Regulation Co-sponsored by the Federalist Society Environmental Law & Property Rights Practice Group Session Title: Public Use: Fifth Amendment Limits on the Use of Eminent Domain Summary: This panel considers the extent to which the Fifth Amendment, which provides that “nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation” – limits the purposes for which the government’s eminent domain power can be used. Specifically, the panel examines the extent to which the Fifth Amendment should be read to limit or preclude the use of eminent domain for blight remediation, economic development, or other economic purposes, or whether “public use” constitutes any and all uses deemed by the legislature or other political bodies to be in the public interest. While through much of the 20th century courts gave state and local governments rather wide discretion in determining what constitutes a “public use,” in recent years some courts have begun to read “public use” more narrowly.

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Apple location of the collection of information policy of the U.S. Congress

When Congress calls, response from Apple. According to CNet , general counsel and Apples vice president of legal and government affairs, Bruce Sewell, did not send two congressmen 13-page letter detail, and why Apples policies and procedures for collecting data based the location.
The letter is in response to a query sent last month by the Co-Bi-Partisan House Privacy Caucus, Ed Markey(D-MA) and Joe Barton(R-TX), Apples CEO Steve Jobs, calling him explanation of recent changes in Apples privacy policy dealing with location information.
Before directly answering questions congressmen, Sewell basin review the privacy policy clarification from Apple, location-based services and applications from other companies.
According to the document, and Apple does not collect information based on location to provide services, the company avoids most of storage and, if so, the data is not linked to any personal information. These principles include the various models and to IPAD iPhone and Mac OS X Snow Leopard or Safari 5th
Among the more interesting tidbits revealed in response to Apple is that as IOS 3.2 Apples mobile version of the software that first sent to the IPAD the company is no longer based on the location databases provided by partners, Google and Skyhook Wireless. Previously, Apple gave the location information to these companies, in order to determine the location of cell tower and access point Wi-Fi, respectively. At this time, however, Apple apparently used information from mobile devices to create its own database information about the location of both cellular towers and Wi-Fi access points that the database is only available through Apple itself. Equipment from previous versions of Apples mobile software continues to use a different database.
document also sheds some light on Apples new IAD network, launched earlier this month. In this case, Apple claims that the latitude and longitude information gathered from a mobile device immediately becomes a five-digit zip code, latitude and longitude information is discarded, but the postal code are stored. Apples plans for data retention period of six months in order to improve the IAD and prevent users from seeing duplicate ads, after that period is up, the information will be aggregated. As previously reported, users can easily opt out of data collection if they so desire.
In all cases, Apple points out that this requires user consent before collecting any information, location-based, and it provides an easy way to turn off the location-based services in any product which has the ability. It also requires that developers who distribute software through the mobile App Store, compliance with various regulations relating to data collection.
Apple document states, in response to nine questions related to the congressmen, and saying that actions][congressmen regarding the collection and misuse of location data. Statements by Representatives Markey and Barton both seemed satisfied with the response from Apple.

Via: Apple location of the collection of information policy of the U.S. Congress
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Guide to National Security and Foreign Policy – Policy Analysis

In defining the state policy, national security and foreign policy, the starting point is the national interest. If we take as a reference point that only one state is able to give your business a sense of political security, global and comprehensive objectives and national interests are the basic parameters of its overall activity of the state. However, given the diversity of partial interests that exist within a society, many of them conflicting with each other, the tasks of reconciliation and its final expression as the nation interests is the responsibility of those representing the powers State and have the government function.

This allows identifying the gap between the objectives of state and government. In those, survival, safety and welfare are the immutable aspects of state targets. They are, to give its name, objectives and broader national interests. As a tangible and measurable purposes an exercise of government generally correspond to a specific national project horizons established according to the timing of governance.

Thus, national interests and objectives defining the beginning of the policy of the state – the Great Political – and allows us to separate the permanent objectives – the state – from the strategic – inherent in a government project – in order to confront and make sense of the process of political action in its broadest sense. Policy decisions are defined behaviors and set goals and courses of action and measures taken to comply. It is clear that the determination of “national interest” cannot respond solely to a single perspective. The vision of the legal, sociological, economic or military analyst, is not broad enough to incorporate all the elements of a comprehensive understanding of present reality and future scenarios.

In its implementation or in the evolution of society itself – are generated flows and exchanges of information between internal and external actors involved in social dynamics. These data are quantifiable and qualitative allow access, under a methodical process, an overview of national and international reality and the real determination of objective criteria, that become permanent or strategic objectives. In this perspective is the balance of national power, the most appropriate approach when analyzing foreign policy and the state ability to take action to achieve their objectives and access to what it calls its interest and security. Security seeks to meet the vital objectives of permanence and survival of the state. This is important to emphasize this further, as well the national goals and interests and acquire a theoretical significance with a defined methodology for empirical validation.

There is an orthodoxy that divides the power in four fields are the classic political, economic, psychosocial and military. This division should not lead us to consider treatment as an inert object, forgetting that a dynamic relationship exists in human society. The ‘fields of power’ are frameworks that encompass activities consistent with each other by nature and are useful for the analysis of these in relation to the exercise of power and the genesis of it. In terms of national development uses, the National Power as a view for improving material and spiritual culture of society in terms of national security must be employed as a strategic tool, e.g. in order to overcome, neutralize or reduce the antagonisms that are filed with obtaining and maintaining permanent national objectives.

The usual method is to diagnose the political reality in the broad sense that allows you to include the set of social relations within the state, political and strategic goals, according to the national interest, strategic inventory and strategic diagnosis, interpreting international stage according to the objectives and capabilities of the various instruments available to the state for external and internal action, and, finally, the action plan. The coding of information into knowledge flows “useful and vital to the survival and security of the nation,” representing the efficient implementation of the instruments of power of a State, in time and more favorable circumstances achieving their goals.

National reality is the source of conception of foreign policy and whose needs must be satisfied that through their action in different areas in which the state interacts with the outside. From the reality when the planning process begins to take on foreign policy objective and is, in turn, a mechanism that provides guidance about what the national needs, from which the foreign policy objectives are paths is obvious that not only govern define the statistics and determine the national interest. Others factors affecting the survival of the state, territorial integrity and full autonomy of decisions of domestic and foreign policy are the ultimate goal of any process of foreign policy. The national interest is more than the standard by which situational factors are considered relevant and suggest a certain behavior. It is also the ultimate yardstick used to measure the success or failure of the state. The concept of interest is both at the starting point and purpose of the foreign policy process, so the entire sequence of events acquires a peculiarly circular.

Under the American view, national interest is irreducible. Henry Kissinger argues that every State must try to reconcile what he considers fair with what he considers possible. What is considered fair depends on the internal structure of their state. They may depend on its resources, geographic position and determination and resources, determination and internal structure of other states. In these terms, the nature of national power is concatenated to the interests and objectives. For that reason alone the State is capable of exercising a responsible and national security policy as it is also designing and implementing foreign policy, which is not detached from the general policy of the state.