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Senator Mike Gravel: An Actionable Plan for 9/11 Truth and Justice

Senator Mike Gravel Infowars.com July 1, 2011 Former Senator Gravel is the Founder and Chair of 9-11cc.org As each anniversary of 9/11 rolls by, the import of this tragedy looms ever larger in our history. Especially looming like storm clouds on the horizon of American politics are the unanswered questions about these events. And as new evidence and new whistleblowers come forward seemingly every week, the import of the 9/11 truth movement multiplies in historic significance. All of this points to the urgent need for a new, independent investigation with subpoena and other grand jury powers — a citizen’s commission that is truly free of partisan political interference. Photo: Jim Watson.As we approach 9/11’s tenth anniversary, we are reminded — each time we pick up a newspaper — that the government’s “official 9/11 story” resulted in three interminable wars: Afghanistan, Iraq, and the War on Terror. The official line also conveniently set the stage for the Patriot Act that abridged so many of our liberties and civil rights, plus a long list of other abuses such as egregious torture of “terror suspects” in the name of national security. Our dilemma ten years later reminds me of a prescient statement made by James Madison: “If Tyranny and Oppression come to this land, it will be in the guise of fighting a foreign enemy.” The US government’s investigations that culminated in the 911 Commission Report purported to set the record straight about the perpetrators of terrorism on

Paul Joseph Watson www.infowars.com www.prisonplanet.tv June 6, 2011 Image: Wikipedia Commons A prominent member of Switzerland’s largest political party has called upon federal authorities to arrest Henry Kissinger as a war criminal if he attends the 2011 Bilderberg conference of global power brokers which is set to begin on Thursday at the Hotel Suvretta House in St. Moritz. Swiss People’s Party representative Dominique Baettig wrote a letter to the General Prosecutor of the Swiss Federation in which he asked, “In the name of Cantonal Sovereignty and independence, but especially of the Justice’s independence from executive power — may it be Federal or Cantonal — I ask you to check abroad for Arrest Warrants delivered by various Courts, Judges and also for all valid criminal complaints against the persons who were, amongst others, cited as mere examples in my (enclosed) letters to Mrs. Simonetta Sommaruga, Federal Counselor and Mrs. Barbara Janom Steiner, Cantonal Counselor and of course, to arrest them before diligent extraditions.” Baettig is no fringe figure, he’s the equivalent of a US Congressman, representing the Canton of Jura on the National Council of Switzerland. His party, the Swiss People’s Party, is the largest party in the Federal Assembly, with 58 members of the National Council and 6 of the Council of States. Baettig’s letter also calls for the apprehension of George W. Bush and French President Nicolas Sarkozy, but neither are likely to be attending

Obama’s Department of Justice Puts Out Master Patriot Hit-list – Alex Jones Tv 1/5

Obama’s Department of Justice Puts Out Master Patriot Hit-list Kurt Nimmo www.infowars.com www.prisonplanet.tv August 30, 2010 The Department of Justice has fired a salvo in the war against patriotic Americans supporting the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. The DOJ has issued Investigating Terrorism and Criminal Extremism –Terms and Concepts, a 120-page propaganda addendum described as “a glossary designed primarily as a tool for criminal justice professionals to enhance their understanding of words relating to extremist terminology, phrases, activities, symbols, organizations, and selected names that they may encounter while conducting criminal investigations or prosecutions of members of extremist organizations.” The DOJ glossary will be used by the federal government and increasingly federalized law enforcement to criminalize language used by the patriot movement. The glossary describes the word “constitutionalist” as a “generic term for members of the ‘patriot’ movement. It is now often used to refer to members of the sovereign citizen or common law court movement. Sometimes the word ‘constitutionalist’ is also used.” According to Merriam-Webster, a constitutionalist is a person who adheres to a form of government according to constitutional principles. The DOJ is now apparently in the business of newspeak. In his dystopian novel on totalitarian government, Nineteen Eighty-Four, George Orwell introduced the term doublethink, from which the terms newspeak and
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The Family Court Abridges Constitutional Rights and Justice

Because our family courts are not setup to protect the rights of litigants but a so-called ‘higher good’, it’s ripe for distributing injustice and persecution – mostly to fathers and their children. This article explains why.

Thomas Jefferson stated that trial by such a jury is the only anchor yet known to man to hold the state to the principles of the constitution so as not to leave the protection of the individual solely up to the government or judicial elites.

It’s through the jury that ‘the people’ participate in the judicial process and rein in unconstitutional or unreasonable laws and judgments of the state. Without the protection of a jury trial, tyranny will surely reign.

*Our most fundamental rights are in jeopardy in family court for doing no wrong:

At stake are your right to parent your child, to control and choose your income and profession, your right to maintain your professional and driver’s licenses, your right to have or maintain your passport and travel as you see fit. These rights are guaranteed by the constitution.

*What about the ‘best interest of the child’ – isn’t that ‘a greater good’?

Greater goods are part of dictatorships and tyrannies. The greatest goods of republics are peoples’ constitutional rights which includes the protection of ‘due process’. Supreme Court case laws states that the ‘best interest of the child’ resides in a ‘fit’ parent – not the state.

*How are fundamental rights at stake?

Because if the family court judge assigns you to be the noncustodial parent, you lose your parenting rights to your children (i.e. to support them directly, live with them, and direct their lives) and then you’re forced by the court to pay the mother whatever the judge says – amounts that will impoverish most fathers. If you don’t pay regularly and pay it all, you’ll go to jail without a trial.

*What do you have to do wrong to be assigned the noncustodial status?

Nothing! Fit parents – overwhelmingly fathers – have their constitutional rights denied by judges assigning them as noncustodial parents.

The judge – as representative of the state – invokes his ‘illegal’ right to take away constitutional rights of fit fathers for the ‘best interests’ of the children. Best interest determinations are only to be invoked when there are no fit parents.

*The family court setup prevents protection of father’s constitutional rights:

The family court doesn’t allow a trial with a jury. It only permits ‘bench’ trial which means that the judge is both judge and jury for you. So you’re denied the protection of the people from the legal elites and special interest groups that feed off the injustice that the family courts produce.

*Why doesn’t the family court protect a father’s constitutional rights?

Because when you eliminate the natural protections – like a jury – you leave judicial elites in power. More power means a more corruptible system. That’s human nature.

The family court and its affiliates have seized on a ‘greater good’ excuse such as ‘best interest of the children’ and ‘safety of women’ to forego constitutional law and protections for fathers.

*Special interest groups influence on the family court setup and actions:

A host of legal and court-assisting persons and organizations have a strong financial interest in keeping the family court set-up as it is. They together can be called the Divorce and Domestic Violence Industry (the DDVI).

The DDVI is made up of the judges, lawyers, GALs, mothers/women, probation/family service officers, psychiatrists, sociologists, visitation centers, battered women’s shelters, the abuse industry, women’s advocates, the state’s department of revenue (DOR), the federal government’s child support enforcement division…and more! Let’s consider where some of these entities find their financial interest in the family court setup.

The DDVI have interest in:

* Setting larger child support orders.

Both the court and DOR/CSE(child support enforcement (agency)) receive federal incentive payments. Court-DOR (Department of Revenue) agreements send some DOR money to the Court systems. County jails make money by more inmates – who are court-created deadbeat dads.

* Making abuse allegations more easily allowed.

Visitation centers and lawyers benefit by this as well as do Battered Women shelters and Batterers Groups. Incidentally, battering is relatively rare; accusations are very common.

* Aggravating parental exchanges and unequal allotment of rights – as the court imposes.

This makes lots of money and job security for lawyers, family services officers, psychologists, GALS, parenting class coordinators, women’s groups, and affiliated VAWA organizations who receive some Billion over 5 years.

The DDVI, taken together, is a powerful lobby and participant in the rule-making process. They’re not about to favor any change – however fair – that will undermine their positions, benefits, or money and power they’ve accumulated.

Shane Flait gives you the capability you need to fight for your rights.
Get his FREE Downloads at http://www.FathersRightsLegalAid.com
Take his ecourse: How to Handle Your Family Court Case at http://www.FathersRightsLegalAid.com

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The Tribunalization of Justice: the Constitutional Validity of the National Tax Tribunal

Introduction:

 

The passing of the Forty Second Amendment to the Constitution of India in 1976, tribunals became key dramatis personae in the justice delivery system. In order to achieve the objectives of the amendment, which was to ensure speedy disposal of cases, an array of tribunals were set up. These included the Administrative Tribunals, the Rent Control Tribunals and also Tax Tribunals. The constitution and functioning of these tribunals have been controversial and intensely debated. The Constitution of the National Tax Tribunals, through the passing of the National Tax Tribunal Act, 2005 in pursuance of Article 323-B (1) (a). The Act provides a machinery for the adjudication by the National Tax Tribunal of disputes with respect to levy, assessment, collection and enforcement of direct taxes and also to provide for the adjudication by that Tribunal of disputes with respect to the determination of the rates of duties of customs and central excise on goods and the valuation of goods for the purposes of assessment of such duties as well as in matters relating to levy of tax on service. The Act is bound to raise constitutional issues of immense significance as to validity of conferral of the power and functions of the Tribunal, the exercise of such powers and functions, and the concept of judicial review under the Constitution.

 

The Edict Machinery of Tribunals in India:

 

The concept and the constitution and functioning of the Tribunals established under Administrative Tribunals Act. The exclusive jurisdiction hitherto have the benefit of by the Tribunals in service matter and distinguish the High Courts was put at stop partially by the Supreme Court of India in its landmark judgment in ‘L.Chandra Kumar Vs.Union of India and others. The Supreme Court diversified and re-distributed the jurisdiction of service matters etc in between these Tribunals for which purpose they have been established and High Courts as per the spirit of the Constitutional mandate enunciated by the framers of the Constitution, keeping in

view the ‘Basic Structure Theory’ and the provisions contained under Article 226,227, 32 and Articles 323 A and 323 B of the Constitution of India.

The salient feature of our Constitutional system that whenever new legislations or enactments are passed, either by Parliament or Legislative Assemblies, it is generally found that, they, being tested in courts of law, either on their validity as a whole or certain provisions of such acts if they are offending any provisions of Constitution, any public policy or established legal principles. Therefore, no exception was shown to the ‘Administrative Tribunals Act, 1985, enacted in terms of Article 323 –A of the Constitution of India. Consequent upon the establishment of service Tribunals in the country ‘under the Administrative Tribunals Act, 1985, a string of litigation had erupted before the High Courts of several States and also in Supreme Court, questioning the validity of certain provisions of the Act and also ultra vires of Articles 323-A and 323-B. Firstly, the ‘Apex Court’ by a Five Judge Constitution Bench, headed by the then Hon’ble Chief Justice, Justice P.N. Bhagwati, examined the constitutional validity of Article 323-A and its provisions in S.P. Sampath Kumar Vs. Union of India and others3 said Bench while upholding the validity of Article 323-A, held that the Service Tribunals created under Article 323-A are substitutes to the High Courts and the exclusion of the jurisdiction of High Courts is legal. Thereafter, a seven Judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court in ‘L. Chandra Kumar case’ while dealing with power of judicial review vested in High Courts and Supreme Court under Articles 226,227 and 32 respectively vis-a-vis Articles 323-A and 323-B not only deviated from the earlier discussion of the Supreme Court in ‘S.P. Sampath Kumar’s case’, but also held that, the Tribunals are supplementary in their role and the power of ‘Judicial Review’ vested in High Courts and Supreme Court under Articles 226, 227 and 32 is an inviolable basic structure of the Constitution and struck down clause 2(d) of Article 323-A and clause 3(d) of Article 323-B of the Constitution of India to the extent they exclude the jurisdiction of High Courts and Supreme Court under Articles 226/227 and 32 as unconstitutional and also Section 28 of the

‘Administrative Tribunals Act, 1985’ which excludes the jurisdiction of High Courts. The Supreme Court in the above case further held that: “The Tribunals created under Article 323-A and 323-B of the Constitution are possessed of the competence to test the constitutional validity of statutory provisions and rules. All decisions of these Tribunals will, however, be subject to scrutiny before a ‘Division Bench’ of the High Court within whose jurisdiction the concerned Tribunal falls. The Tribunal will, nevertheless, continue to act like Courts of ‘first instance’ in respect of the areas of law for which they have been constituted. It will not, therefore, be open or litigants to directly approach the High Courts even in cases where they question the vires of statutory legislations (except where the legislation which creates the particular Tribunal is challenged) by overlooking the jurisdiction of the concerned Tribunal.” In the same case, when an argument was advanced for the superintendence over the Tribunals by the concerned High Courts, the Supreme Court categorically held as follows: “To this end, it is suggested that the Tribunals be made subject to the supervisory jurisdiction of the High Court within whose territorial jurisdiction they fall. We are, however, of the view that this may not be the best way of solving the problem. We do not think that our Constitutional scheme requires that all adjudicating bodies which fall within the territorial jurisdiction of the High Courts should be subject to their supervisory jurisdiction. If the idea is to divest the High Courts of their onerous burdens, then adding to their supervisory functions cannot in any manner, be of assistance to them”. Therefore, in view of the law laid down by the Supreme Court in ‘Chandra Kumar’s case'(emphasis furnished supra) this Tribunal is now functioning as a ‘Court of first instance’ like any other Tribunal in the country established under Article 323-A of the Constitution of India. It is also to be noted that the ‘Judicial Review’ propounded by the Supreme court in ‘Chandra Kumar’s case cannot be treated/equated with an ‘Appeal’ in as much as the constitutional exercise by way of ‘Judicial Review’ displayed by the High Courts originated from the ‘Basic Structure Theory’ read with Articles 226 and 227 of the Constitution of India.

 

Appellate provisions under the direct and indirect tax enactments

 

Aforementioned to National Tax Tribunal, under the direct and indirect tax enactments, appeals on substantial questions of law from the decisions of tribunals such as the Income Tax Appellate Tribunal and the Customs, Excise and Service Tax Appellate Tribunal lies to the High Court.

The Income Tax Appellate Tribunal Under Section 252 of the Income Tax Act, 1961 an appellate tribunal known as Income Tax Appellate Tribunal has been set up which consists of both judicial members as well as Accountant members. This tribunal hears appeals against orders passed by the Deputy Commissioner of Appeals or the Commissioner of Appeals, as specified in Section 253 of the Act on questions of law as well as questions of fact. Under the direct tax regime, Income Tax Appellate Tribunal is the final authority as regards determination of questions of fact. Under Section 260 A of the same Act, an appeal lies to the High Court, from every order passed by the Income Tax Appellate Tribunal if the High court is satisfied that the case involves a substantial question of law. However, there is also a provision for filing further appeals to the Supreme Court from any judgment of the High Court as specified under Section 261, only if the High Court certifies that the case is fit for appeal to the Supreme Court. In cases where High Court refuses to give such certificate, the aggrieved party has an option to invoke extraordinary jurisdiction of Supreme Court through special leave petition under Article 136 of the Constitution of India. Income Tax Appellate Tribunal, High Courts and the Supreme Court have been given similar powers of hearing appeals in respect of disputes concerning wealth tax under the Wealth Tax Act, 1957. The Customs, Excise and Service Tax Appellate Tribunal Under Section 129 of the Customs Act, 1962 the Customs, Excise and Service Tax Appellate Tribunal (CESTAT) has been constituted which consists of Judicial as well as Technical Members. The Tribunal hears appeals against orders passed by the authorities mentioned in Section 129 A of the Customs Act. It also hears appeals against orders passed by the excise authorities as specified in Section 35 B of the Central Excise Act, 1944. Earlier, instead of appeal a reference used to lie regarding questions of law. An appeal lies to the High Court on a substantial question of law against an order passed by the Customs, Excise and Service Tax Appellate Tribunal, under Section 130 of the Customs Act, as substituted by the Finance Bill, 2003. Similar provision has been incorporated in respect of appeals to High Courts under the Central Excise Act, 1944. The tribunal also has appellate jurisdiction in anti-dumping matters and the Special Bench headed by the President of the tribunal hears appeals against orders passed by the designated authority in the Ministry of Commerce. The appeals under the Service Tax are also heard by the tribunal. This tribunal is the appellate authority on matters relating to classification and valuation, with the appeals lying to the Supreme Court in these matters.

 

The Need for Establishment of National Tax Tribunal in India:

 

The necessity for uniformity and certainty in the administration of tax laws (both direct and indirect tax laws), appeals or references from the orders of the Income Tax Appellate Tribunal and the Customs, Excise and Service Tax Appellate Tribunal lie with the High Courts, these Courts get flooded with such cases which need considerable time to dispose them. Due to the heavy workload of the High Courts, there is a huge backlog of tax related cases as a result of which huge revenue is blocked in such litigations. This is adversely affecting the national economy. Hence, urgent measures are required to be taken to speed up taxation matters pending

before the High Courts. It may also be noted that there are at present 21 High Courts. Many a time, decisions of the High Courts vary from each other which create uncertainty, delays and problems in the administration of tax matters. Conflict of decisions amongst various High Courts

on the same point of law have the effect of distorting uniformity and give rise to unnecessary appeals to the Supreme Court which results in further delay.

National Tax Tribunal will help in clearing the backlog and mitigating the burden that lie at the doors of High Courts. The constitution of the National Tax Tribunal would relieve the taxpayers from the burden of pursuing the tax disputes for a long period and substantially reduce the workload of different High Courts which could not concentrate and devote as much focus which the complex tax laws presently demand.

 

Judicial Sovereignty and the National Tax Tribunal

 

In the Landmark Judgments of the Court in L Chandra Kumar and Sampath Kumar that even if the Tribunals have to play a supplemental role, given the powers that they enjoy, including the power to strike down legislation as ultra vires the constitution, the NTT will have to enjoy Judicial Sovereignty as understood in the Indian constitutional context. Judicial Sovereignty in India always has been a very controversial subject. The judicial pronouncements and the scholastic opinion in this regard, point out different stages at which the independence of the judiciary will have to be assessed. Judicial Sovereignty will include the collective independence of the judiciary from the other branches of the State and also the independence of the individual judges. The first aspect relates to appointment, removal etc whereas, the second aspect relates to matters concerned with security of tenure, salaries and allowance etc. Let us take up these issues in relation to the National Tax Tribunal. The Members and the Chairperson of the National Tax Tribunal are appointed by the Central Government in accordance with the recommendation of a selection committee consisting of the Chief Justice of India or his nominee. Though the other two members in the committee are not from the judiciary, it is submitted that this is sufficient safeguard against executive fiat. In terms of the qualification also sufficient safeguards seem to have been provided. The legislation provides that all members including the Chairperson have sufficient legal qualifications and adequate experience to handle complex matters relating to tax as also maters relating to the vires or otherwise of legislations and administrative actions. More importantly, the method of removal of the member and the Chairperson also has been made sufficiently elaborate to minimize executive interference. Section 11 provides that removal and suspension can take place only in consultation with the Chief Justice and on completion of a formal enquiry. The Chairperson also has been given enough discretion to constitute the benches of the National Tax Tribunal. In terms of salaries and other benefits, the members and the Chairperson have been accorded the same status as that of High Court judges. Also of significance is the fact that these Tribunals have been vested with contempt powers under section 12 of the NTTA, 2005 in addition to certain powers of the Civil Court granted to it in section 16. The legislation also protects actions taken in good faith in the course of discharge of duties by any member, Chairperson or other employee, which also helps in maintaining judicial independence. In all it is submitted that the provisions of the enactment do indeed secure judicial sovereignty.

 

The Differentiation of National Tax Tribunal and High Courts in India

 

There is a provision in the Act that may cause adversity to tax-payers. The Act stipulates that an appeal before the NTT can be preferred only if the appellant deposits at least 25 per cent of the tax or duty payable on the basis of the order appealed against. The NTT is also given the discretion to condone this requirement. There is no such stipulation in cases that go before the

high court. Yet another distinction is that no interim order can be passed by the NTT without hearing the other party. No Tribunal constituted under 323A or 323B of the Constitution can ever

oust the jurisdiction of the high court under Articles 226/227 of the Constitution. The writ jurisdiction of the high court will continue, despite the provision that appeals from the NTT will go to the Supreme Court. The NTT will, therefore, be one more forum working along with the

High court.

The Government makes it appear that there is huge pendency before the various high courts involving fiscal disputes. The truth seems to be that the overall pendency does not exceed 30,000 cases, the maximum being around 10,000 in Mumbai and an equal number in Delhi. Probably, constitution of permanent tax benches in these two High Courts will solve the problem for revenue. The NTT will not be governed by the Civil Procedure Code, though rules of natural justice will apply.

 

Conclusion

 

There cannot be fault with the intention of the Government, to reduce the backlog of cases, in proposing the National Tax Tribunal, but the way in which the NTT has been setup raises a lot of concern. Apart from creating multiple and simultaneous structure for the resolution of tax disputes, which will obviously lead to a lot of turmoil, the NTT also faces challenges in the form of allowing Chartered Accounts to appear before it. The enactment seems to fair well in terms of securing the independence of the judiciary but fails the Constitution on account of abridging the writ jurisdiction of the High Courts in relation to the transfer of cases. This is a grave blemish that will have to be rectified. Efficiency arguments for and against the Tribunal can be analyzed or answered only if a systematic and scientific study happens in that regard. The Law Commission must come out with official statistics in this regard. More importantly, we will have to decide whether Tribunals are the best way to deliver justice in relation to tax matters or whether mere creation of exclusive tax benches in the High courts would solve the problem. Vacancies in the High Courts are not filled regularly nor is there a concerted effort at the national level to streamline procedures relating to dispose off pending disputes. The Government has not been able to come up with any realistic presentation statistics of existing tribunals nor has it explained tribunalize the tax administration for the justice further. At least in future, efforts like this, to create an alternative forum and working substitute for the Court must be backed with methodical study, more debates and comprehensive planning, in order to guarantee that they do not end up as unproductive outlay at the hands of the exchequer.

 

Bibliography:

1) Durga Das Basu- Shorter Constitution of India- Thirteenth Edition 2001 Wadhwa Nagpur.

2) H.M.Seervai-Constitutional Law of India: A Critical Commentary- Universal Law Publishers

3) Walter W. Brudno- Taxation in India-Harvard Law School International Program in Taxation.

4) The National Tax Tribunal Act, 2005- Bharatgazette Government of India.

5) The National Tax Tribunal (Amendment) Act, 2007- Manupatra Bare Act.

Harsh Vardhan Jajodia – hobby is to bring to light the problems faced by the people in the legal field

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Church and State: Christians for Social Justice and Peace — Rey Ty


Christians for Social Justice — Rey Ty, In memory of Bishop Alberto Ramento and Pastor Noli Capulong, Church for National Democracy, Social Liberation, and Social Transformation

Review: Once a Jolly Hangman – Singapore Justice in the Dock

Review: Once a Jolly Hangman – Singapore Justice in the Dock
Over the past few decades, investigative journalism has come to mean the kind of brave reporting that exposes injustice, wrongdoing and, above all, the abuse of power. Alan Shadrake’s hard-hitting new book cuts through the façade of official silence to reveal disturbing truths about Singapore’s use of the death penalty. From in-depth interviews with Darshan Singh, […]

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